Main

May 07, 2006

The Fight for Democracy at Home and Abroad

The New York Times Magazine from last week did something I just love: look at historical precedent to explain a contemporary predicament. Today's troubles have their roots in the past, though to hear our politicians speak about it, these are unprecedented problems which require radical, sometimes unlawful, actions at the expense of everything else.

The article postulates that liberals (Democrats) need to look to their 20th century history to see how they can create a compelling, coherent foreign policy to rival the conservatives in this election year and beyond. Undoubtedly, the Democrats are impotent because they are beset by extraordinary problems and have a diverse (ideological, economic) base to appeal to. The legacy Democrats should turn to? That of Reinhold Niebuhr. I made some mention of his ideas before because I too see them as a way of understanding the predicament American now finds itself, one that is hubristic and radical.

Niebuhr said the atrocities of early 20th century in terms of humanity's move away from a doctrine of fallibility to one of extreme idolization of the individual. In the United States’ policies during the cold war he, along with George Kennan, cautioned that Americans cannot lose sight of their own wickedness and injustice and regard themselves as “morally pure” in contrast to their communist enemies. Even democracies are capable of bring great tyranny on their people and others.

Peter Beinhart, author of the Times pieces concurs: "in the first years of the cold war, Niebuhr's emphasis on moral fallibility underlay America's remarkable willingness to restrain its power." The danger, Beinhart writes, of these current times, is America's movement away from this restraint but calling itself a "benign empire" and having grand ambitions of "exporting" democracy to everyone, whether they want it or not. "In other words," Beinhart writes, "the United States would rid itself of external impediments but nonetheless act in the global good, uncorrupted by the temptations of unrestrained power."

Beinhart continues with what I think is a good encapsulation of the problem: "On global warming, an American liberated from international restraint has acted irresponsibly; in our antiterrorist prisons, we have acted inhumanely." Liberals, it seems, have not been able to come up with viable solutions because they have been able to explain this hubris in a way that provides any glimmer of hope for change or convinces people that they would do any different if they were in power. They haven't been able to explain, to a national audience, how the current conservative administration has focused on foreign affairs at the expense of domestic ones. Beinhart provides a good example: "That is the hidden backdrop to the great popular revolt against the Dubai ports deal earlier this year - an isolationist, nationalist spasm by a public that feels the government is more concerned with the interests of foreigners that with its own."

So what is to be done? Liberals have to embrace promoting democracy abroad but like how it was done after WWII: by providing economic opportunity with it as well and accepting that democracy in this country is an experiments and its health is dependent on our belief in the system. They can also talk about bringing the focus back to domestic front because, as Beinhart points out, "America is not a fixed model for a benighted world. It is the democratic struggle here at home, against evil in our society, that offers a beacon to people in other national struggling against the evil in theirs."

Filed under Current Events, History, Politics

April 18, 2006

Banality and Evil Continued

What intrigues me about the October essay I mention here is how the Jewish intellectual scene was taken aback by her book because it talked so openly about the Holocaust, something Rabinback writes most Jews didn't talk about in public.

But I think of our attitude now toward the Holocaust, the movies that are made, the books that are written, the cartoons and how one historian established his career on the idea the Holocaust didn't exist, and it's not sacred in the way it was when Arendt was writing about it. I guess when I say sacred I mean taboo, because genocide, mass slaughter, something uniquely 20th century, shouldn't be sacred.

Continue reading "Banality and Evil Continued" »

April 16, 2006

The Problem With Hannah

In Eichmann in New York: The New York Intellectuals and the Hannah Arendt Controversy by Anson Rabinback (OCTOBER 108, Spring 2004, pp. 97–111.), Rabinback has this to say about Arendt's account and the backlash of her work among New York Jewih intellectuals:

“In this regard, Arendt’s report, precisely because it did not sanctify the Holocaust, because it continued to warn of the vulnerability of the pariah, and because it so manifestly seemed to question the virtue of victimhood, gave offense, and not merely because of its intemperate judgments and irreverent tone. Her account simultaneously enabled and violated the terms of the newly emerging public perception of the Holocaust.”

Continue reading "The Problem With Hannah" »

April 13, 2006

Something Like Hope

Hannah Arendt in Eichmann and Jerusalem calls evil banal. She questions the intelligence of Eichmann, who the prosecution claim was a mastermind behind the Final Solution, and even looks at his way of speaking as an indication that he is not only a dullard but too unimaginative, too perfectly suited to the bureaucracy to even truly understand what he was doing.

Continue reading "Something Like Hope" »

April 11, 2006

The End of History

It's been a more than 10 years since the publication of End of History when, as the title suggests, the end of history was declared by Francis Fukuyama. OK, that’s not what he really declared but that’s what’s been written about the book and Fukuyama in all these long years since it debuted. I was really prompted to read this book after reading a review of Fukuyama’s latest book, which The New Yorker reviewer characterized as being an update, a critique if you will, of Fukuyama’s standing as a neo-conservative.

But that’s not what I’m writing about.

Continue reading "The End of History" »